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AbbVie vs. Pfizer: Which Dividend Stock Is the Better Buy in September?


Dividend stocks are always great additions to a portfolio, as they offer investors the opportunity to earn passive income during any economic or market environment. This may compensate for weakness in your portfolio during tough market times and supercharge performance during better days — so you’ll always be happy to hold onto at least a few of these players.

Where to find dividend stocks? They’re present throughout industries, but you’ll notice many in the healthcare space. Generally, dividend players are well-established companies — such as some of the world’s top pharma names — that don’t have to pour every dollar into growth. They can afford to reward shareholders regularly. And two that fall into this category are AbbVie (ABBV +0.20%) and Pfizer (PFE +0.29%).

These companies are both committed to sharing their winnings with investors. But which of these two is the better buy in September? Let’s find out.

Image source: Getty Images.

The case for AbbVie

It’s important to note that AbbVie is a Dividend King, meaning the company has raised its dividend for more than 50 consecutive years. This shows that dividend growth is a priority for this pharma giant, and with such a streak, it’s likely AbbVie will continue along this path. And with free cash flow of $18 billion, it has the financial strength to do so. Today, AbbVie pays a dividend of $6.92, representing a dividend yield of 2.6%, which is higher than the 1.06% dividend yield of the S&P 500. So all of this is positive.

AbbVie Stock Quote

Today’s Change

(0.20%) $0.52

Current Price

$264.48

On top of this, AbbVie has proven that it can continue to generate growth after losing exclusivity on one of the world’s best-selling drugs, immunology blockbuster Humira. AbbVie prepared by developing its immunology portfolio, and today, two other immunology products are delivering double-digit quarterly gains into the billions of dollars. In the recent quarter, Rinvoq and Skyrizi together brought in $8 billion — that’s on the company’s total of $16 billion in net revenue.

Meanwhile, AbbVie has a full portfolio of treatments across specialty areas, from neuroscience to oncology. All of this is driving growth in revenue and profit.

The case for Pfizer

Pfizer is in the middle of an exciting recovery story. The pharma giant saw earnings soar after the release of its coronavirus vaccine and treatment — revenue even reached a peak of more than $100 billion back in 2022. But as the pandemic reached its later stages, demand for these products declined, and that resulted in much lower revenue for Pfizer.

The company shifted its investments and costs to account for this and has made major efforts to boost its pipeline internally and through acquisitions. And all of this is powering revenue higher. For example, in the recent quarter, Pfizer said its focused execution resulted in an 18% operational revenue gain for a selection of top recently launched and acquired products. Pfizer has reported profits as well as losses periodically in recent quarters as it continues its recovery. Meanwhile, strength in its oncology platform and the potential of its late-stage pipeline could drive future growth.

Pfizer Stock Quote

Today’s Change

(0.29%) $0.08

Current Price

$27.74

As for dividends, Pfizer’s has remained stable in recent times, at $1.72 with a 6.2% yield, and though some investors have worried that the company could suspend this payment, Pfizer has confirmed its commitment to maintaining it.

“We feel extremely confident that we will — even the most stretched scenarios that we are running, we will be able to maintain our dividend,” chief Albert Bourla said during the recent earnings call.

The better buy?

AbbVie and Pfizer both make interesting pharma investments — and if you’re looking for a turnaround story, you might favor Pfizer as the company is making significant progress. But here, I’m focused on the strongest dividend player to buy right now, and with that in mind, I would go for AbbVie.

Though Pfizer clearly is committed to maintaining its dividend, AbbVie has the free cash flow to keep its payments growing year after year — as it’s done for decades. Meanwhile, AbbVie has proven its ability to grow following the Humira loss of exclusivity. That’s why right now in September, this Dividend King is the better buy.

Digital Mortgage 2026 showcase: 20 lender AI solutions



The next wave of technology solutions for lenders is using artificial intelligence to significantly speed up workflows and supercharge loan officers’ capacities. 

Twenty mortgage companies vying for a $10,000 grand prize last week at the Digital Mortgage tech showcase highlighted their unique uses of AI to automate the loan lifecycle and promote newer and faster business opportunities. The 2026 demo lineup included familiar and new tech providers, who promoted strict adherence to compliance and quick implementation timelines. 

Serving as judges were Julian Hebron, founder of the basis point; Christina Randolph, vice president of distribution and single-family acquisitions at Freddie Mac; and John Wines, chief strategy officer at Atlantic Bay Mortgage Group. They judged companies on factors including market relevance, proof of return on investment, and demo quality and salesmanship. 

Read on to learn about the various digital solutions for lenders and servicers, including the top three entries.



Brands Trick us to Spend More #apple #finance #education #money



Let’s say you went to a fast food store, and the fries are sold in different sizes. You see two options:

Small Fries: $3 | Large Fries: $7

You would probably pick the small fries, because who wants to spend $7 on some fries.

But now, let’s say you see not two, but three options:

Small Fries: $3 | Medium Fries: $6.5 | Large Fries: $7

Which one do you pick now?

Most people would instead buy the $7 fries because they feel they’re getting a lot for the extra $0.5.

The original options are still around, and the $7 option only appears to be a winner because of how well it compares with the $6.5 option. Your brain’s comparison system has been tricked. You’ve been gamed.

Very few people will buy the medium $6.5 fries. The company did not intend to sell you the medium fries. They intended to use the medium fry option to get you to buy the large fry instead of the small fry.

People feel that they assign value to things in an absolute sense, that the item under assessment has an intrinsic value that does not change. The reality is, humans can only assess value on a relative basis.

The decoy effect works by setting the brain’s relative viewpoint on the decoy and tricking it into thinking that by spending a little more, it can receive a disproportionate return.

Source:- Lifemathmoney

source

New Bipartisan Bill Would Count SAVE Forbearance Months Toward PSLF, No Buyback Required


Reps. Bill Foster (D-IL) and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA) introduced the Public Service Loan Forgiveness Inclusion Act of 2026, which would update what counts as a qualifying payment under Public Service Loan Forgiveness in two ways: it would let payments under graduated, extended, and the new tiered standard plans count during a borrower’s first 60 months, and it would treat months spent in administrative forbearance as qualifying payments for borrowers working in public service.

It was referred to the House Committee on Education and Workforce the same day it was introduced, with nine cosponsors.

This first provision is a win for many borrowers who’ve found themselves in the wrong repayment plan (especially graduated – which we’ve called a trap). These borrowers have seen their payment counts drop as a result.

The second provision is especially important for the roughly 7 million borrowers who spent more than two years in the SAVE forbearance. Under current law, those months earn zero PSLF credit unless the borrower buys them back. Under this bill, they would count automatically, with no lump-sum payment and no application.

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Why It Matters

The SAVE forbearance began in July 2024 when courts blocked the plan, and it has been ongoing until servicers started sending 90-day exit notices on July 1, 2026.

A public servant who stayed in it the entire time lost more than 24 months toward the 120 payments PSLF requires, and interest has been accruing on those balances since August 1, 2025.

The only current fix is PSLF Buyback, a program that requires 120 months of certified employment before you can even apply, a lump-sum payment based on what you would have owed under an eligible income-driven plan, and a wait that reader reports put at 20 to 24 months.

The math on buyback also catches people off-guard. After the court settlement barred the Department from using REPAYE as a calculation basis, buyback amounts shifted toward the older IBR formula, which produces a higher payment for borrowers whose loans predate 2014.

A borrower buying back 24 months at a $300 IBR-equivalent payment would owe $7,200 in one check. This bill would erase that bill entirely for any month the borrower can document public service employment.

What The Bill Would Change

Administrative forbearance would count. Section 2(b) amends the definition of “monthly payment” in 20 U.S.C. 1087e(m)(3) to include a payment the borrower “would have made” during any period when repayment was suspended by administrative forbearance and the borrower held a public service job. That language covers the SAVE forbearance directly. Borrowers would still need to certify employment for those months, but the buyback lump sum and application would disappear.

The first 60 payments would count regardless of plan. Current law only counts payments under the graduated and extended plans only if they are at least as large as the 10-year standard amount. The bill drops that floor for a borrower’s first 60 months. From month 61 forward, the existing rule returns – eligible repayment plan. This matters because the Education Department is currently rescinding PSLF credit from borrowers who were on the extended or graduated plans, on the grounds that those months never qualified.

The tiered standard plan would count. The bill adds the standard plan under subsection (d)(7)(A)(i), which is the tiered standard plan created for loans issued on or after July 1, 2026. That plan has repayment terms of 10 to 25 years based on balance and is not PSLF-eligible today, which means new borrowers who pick it get no forgiveness credit.

Borrowers would get notice. The Department would have 180 days after enactment to tell every Direct Loan borrower about both changes and explain how to switch plans.

Where There Are Still Questions

The applicability clause in Section 2(c)(2) says the 60-payment rule applies to borrowers who have made fewer than 120 payments as of enactment. There is no matching clause for the forbearance provision, and the text does not state whether it reaches forbearance months that occurred before the bill became law. The plain reading of an amended definition, combined with the mandatory notice to all borrowers, points toward retroactive credit for the SAVE period, but a court or Department rulemaking would have to officially settle that question. Borrowers should not assume it until the language is clarified or the Department issues guidance.

The bill also does not address the PSLF Buyback program itself. Borrowers already in the buyback queue of roughly 88,000 requests would presumably see those requests become moot if the forbearance months counted on their own, but nothing in the text says how the Department should handle pending applications or lump sums already paid. Again, another rulemaking issue that would likely have to be resolved.

How This Connects

Foster’s office says 97% of public servants who applied for PSLF have been denied, a figure that dates to the program’s early years and predates the current numbers. The latest tracking shows over 1 million borrowers have received their loan forgiveness under PSLF, and roughly 120,000 are on track each year for the next few years.

The wrong-payment plan problem is still alive, though. Our reporting on the Department’s August payment-count corrections found borrowers losing six or more months because they had been on extended or graduated plans that were never eligible. This bill would restore that credit for anyone under 60 payments, though borrowers past that mark would still lose those months.

Being in the wrong repayment plan is also something that Temporary Expanded Public Service Loan Forgiveness (TEPSLF) solves for, but we estimate that roughly half of the program’s funds have already been exhausted. There may be only 2 or 3 years left of this benefit.

For SAVE borrowers, the bill would fix the fact that the forbearance does not directly count for PSLF, and buyback is the only workaround.

What’s Next

Foster has introduced a version of this bill five other times. The 2026 version is the first to address administrative forbearance directly, and it carries support from the American Federation of Teachers and the American Council on Education.

The signal to watch is whether the Education and Workforce Committee schedules a hearing before the 119th Congress ends on January 3, 2027. Without one, the bill dies with the session and would need to be reintroduced. SAVE borrowers face their own deadlines in the meantime: the first 90-day exit notices expire September 29, 2026, and the last deadline lands around March 31, 2027.

Editor: Colin Graves

The post New Bipartisan Bill Would Count SAVE Forbearance Months Toward PSLF, No Buyback Required appeared first on The College Investor.

Mamdani confronts Trump with ‘all the members of the press’, hours after CNN, MS NOW, Politico suit



President Donald Trump has long had an antagonistic relationship with the press. He famously popularized the phrase “fake news” and has called reporters “the enemy of the people.” Yet the president is also more accessible to reporters than his recent predecessors, making media appearances on roughly 80% of his days in office during stretches of his second term and taking far more shouted questions and interviews than Obama or Biden ever took.

It’s a contradiction that defined Monday: a president who grants extraordinary access on his own terms, and revokes it entirely when the coverage displeases him. And at New York’s Gracie Mansion on Monday, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani made sure to portray a different scene to the press.

“I told the president that we’re going to have all of the members of the press here on the lawn, and that is something that I believe in,” Mamdani said.

Standing next to him on the lawn of the famed city house was Trump, who on Friday announced he was banning CNN, MS NOW and Politico from White House grounds over the “constant ‘reporting’ [of] FAKE NEWS.”

By Monday morning, the three banned outlets had filed a joint First Amendment lawsuit in federal court in Washington D.C., arguing the ban amounted to viewpoint discrimination and violated their due-process rights. Other networks refused to provide White House pool coverage that day in solidarity, since CNN normally handles that rotation.

Friday’s action isn’t Trump’s first attempt to ban the press. In 2018, the White House revoked the press pass of then-CNN reporter Jim Acosta, until a federal judge ordered it be restored. More recently, in February 2025, he barred the Associated Press from the Oval Office and other small-pool events over the news agency’s refusal to adopt “Gulf of America,” instead of the widely-accepted “Gulf of Mexico.” (A judge initially ordered the access restored, only to be overruled by the the D.C. Circuit in June 2025.)

Asked by reporters about his closed-door conversation with Trump, Mamdani said he made sure the president knew the press would be present at Gracie Mansion.

Trump, in response, joked that the press would never boycott him, and again called the three outlets fake news. “If you look at CNN, it’s fake news. If you look at MS NOW, I don’t even know what MS NOW is,” he went on.

“I really think I have an obligation not to allow them into another very special house. This is a special house, Gracie Mansion. Well, the White House is the most special of all houses,” Trump said of the ban.

Temporary Protected Status

When The City reporter Katie Honan asked Trump about Temporary Protected Status, Mamdani said he and the president spoke about possibly restoring that status for Haitian immigrants, explaining it in economic terms and citing concern from “pastors, developers, executives in healthcare and hospitality.” He added that Trump, by controlling who gets TPS status, “can either deliver or deny stability” for people who’ve built lives in New York.

TPS status is granted to nationals of a designated country who are already living in the U.S., regardless of how they arrived, so long as the DHS determines that war, natural disaster or other extraordinary conditions make it unsafe for them to return. Recipients of TPS status are able to live and work in the U.S., but have no pathway to permanent residency.

Haiti has held TPS status since the 2010 earthquake, but upon removing TPS status for Haitians, then-Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem argued that the administration was “returning TPS to its original status: temporary.”

Trump’s history with the Haitian community has swung wildly during his time in politics. As a candidate in 2016, he called himself Haitians’ “biggest champion” during a visit to Miami’s Little Haiti. Yet in his first administration, he tried to end TPS for Haitian immigrants in 2017, with the DHS arguing Haiti had recovered from the earthquake. Haitian TPS holders sued in Brooklyn, arguing the decision was motivated by political bias, and a federal judge agreed in April 2019.

Trump again tried to revoke TPS status in 2025, only for his ban to again be challenged int he courts; the Supreme Court ruled in June 2026 that DHS could proceed with cutting off protections for an estimated 330,000 to 350,000 Haitians. A new lawsuit alleges that Trump’s decision was racially motivated, though the termination remains in effect.

The end of TPS status cuts off work authorization for hundreds of thousands of Haitians as of July 24, and New York City Hall was forced to let go of Haitian employees with no other legal path to work.

“The mayor feels very strongly about [TPS],” Trump said Monday before leaving Gracie Mansion. “I feel strongly about a lot of things. I feel strongly about taking care of people, and that’s what we do. We’re doing a good job of it.”

New York has the country’s second-largest Haitian population after Miami, more than 160,000 people, concentrated in Brooklyn’s Flatbush and East Flatbush. Many work in healthcare: New York State alone has roughly 7,000 Haitian TPS holders working as nursing assistants and home caregivers, in a citywide healthcare workforce that’s 57% immigrant and nearly three-quarters immigrant among home health aides, according to the Center for Migration Studies.

After Trump left, Mamdani disclosed that he had personally invited Trump to the mayor’s residence, after the two discussed Trump’s own fond memories of Gracie Mansion.

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